走路

這幾天的焦躁
終於在昨天到達最高點後
今天稍稍為緩了一口氣

焦躁的東西跟事情都還在

但今天走在又開始吹起冷風的meadows上
忽然覺得都OK了

不用去羨慕別人
也不用哀怨的不滿老天爺

反正
總是會找到方法的
當時間不停的前進著
生活也在繼續著

或許
扛下的東西愈沈重
每一步可以走的愈踏實
只能這樣跟自己說著


然後
星期五在逼近了
快點結束吧(fingers crossed ^^")
再來是與蕭把鼻的蘇格蘭逍遙遊！！！

想像的TIBET

最近為了趕快生出月底要報告的章節
看了不少關於西方想像西藏的文章
簡直是...邊看邊不斷的點頭
關於長久以來西方世界（其實不只是西方吧）對西藏這個「與世無爭的香格里拉」不管是浪漫或者怎樣的想像與描述
等到了1959過後
當這些「香格里拉」的居民被迫離開「香格里拉」進入印度以及許多西方國家
這時候
這些長久以來西方言論加諸在這個文化這群人的想像
不但繼續延伸
而且連西藏人自己
也加入了這場想像儀式的創造與延續裡
用新的語彙新的概念（所謂西方所熟悉的）
尋求世界對西藏獨立的支持


於是
到底什麼才是「真的」「正確的」西藏文化
要怎麼樣表現出「正確的」西藏文化
不但流亡的藏人們在妥協著
外國來的訪客或者佛教的信徒們 也發揮著他們直接間接的影響力
因為所謂「正確的」西藏文化 宗教 與政治理念
最大的消費者與信仰者 正是這些外國群體
而西藏文化 西藏宗教 與西藏獨立等等的擴展與論述
老實說
如果沒有了這些外來的支援支持
不會這樣子蓬勃的持續到今日的模樣


我不知道
我只是忽然覺得
在許多人沈浸在今天五十週年流亡紀念日的熱情激動激情裡的時候
我只是非常好奇
有沒有人能夠為這些激情 做一些不一樣的註解
不要再是什麼關於人權的議題
不要是過於宣染關於暴力的激動

當然這些都是牽扯於其中的

只是
我想要知道
非常認真的想著
那些七八十歲了的老人們
對於這一天
也是這麼激動嗎
還是
他們其實已經無所謂了
或者從來
他們根本不在乎西藏是不是一個國家
會不會是一個國家
（尤其是 這所謂的1959年前的西藏政治 也只不過是控制了以拉薩為中心的Tsang區的格魯派及其宗教領袖達賴喇嘛而以，對生活在Tsang以外地區的藏人們，也是到了流亡海外後，才開始學習關於nation, country等等的概念的）
我想 他們只希望可以回到家鄉度過餘生吧
但他們也知道
自己已經好老了
恐怕盼不到這個機會了

我一直記得好幾個訪問的老人說著
他們其實回去看過
但沒辦法待著
因為只拿到了回去探親的許可
所以又得回來印度
他們想
這輩子應該不會有機會再回去一次了

對於西藏的未來呢？
他們覺得
可以回去當然很好
但小孩都在印度出生長大
對小孩子來說
其實已經適應印度了
他們只希望
小孩將來可以找到好的工作
..................................
快速的胡言亂語完
我要滾出門了
只是忽然有感
結果寫完我又要遲到了 可惡

STATEMENT OF THE KASHAG (cabinet of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile)

STATEMENT OF THE KASHAG
ON THE 50th ANNIVERSARY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING DAY

Today, 10 March 2009, is the 50th anniversary of the Tibetan people's peaceful uprising against the repression and occupation of Tibet by the People's Republic of China. On this important anniversary, the Kashag pays its tribute and respect to those brave men and women who have sacrificed their lives for the national, religious and political cause of the Tibetan people in general, and, particularly, to those who have lost their lives during the non-violent protests carried out in the three traditional provinces of Tibet since last 10 March. We also express our solidarity with those Tibetans who continue to suffer hardships, torture and repression. The Kashag also extends its heartfelt sentiments and regards to all the Tibetans in and outside Tibet.

Looking back on the good and bad times experienced by the Tibetan people during the past 50 years, one witnesses numerous unimaginable changes that have taken place. Since the occupation of Tibet by the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese government unleashed a series of coercive and repressive campaigns under different forms and names, such as “suppression of reactionaries, democratic reform, class struggle, Cultural Revolution”, communes, imposition of martial law, infrastructure development and Western Development Programmes. All these were aimed at sinicising Tibet and eliminating the Tibetan identity. That the Tibetan people endured such depths of untold physical and mental hardships and sufferings under these campaigns are clearly indelible in the minds of all Tibetans and, therefore, need no repetition.

Whatever numerous methods, such as oppression, torture, deception, propaganda and brainwashing the Chinese government adopted, these, however, failed to change, even slightly, the mentality and inner strength of the Tibetan people. This is evident by the fact that people's faith in religion, pride in Tibetan identity, and, especially their faith in His Holiness the Dalai Lama have remained unshakeable for three generations. This strength of the Tibetan people is not only cherished in their hearts but is also openly expressed and continued to be expressed, regardless of the danger it poses to their lives, through non-violent protests such as the ones that swept Tibet since last March. This has attracted the interest and support from the international community, which gives new hope and faith to the Tibetan people. These protests also constitute the most effective response to the massive propaganda that says China has “liberated” the Tibetan people who were ignorant and backward, that it has brought modern development, and that, except a few separatists, most Tibetans regard the Chinese government and the Communist Party as the Buddha. The Kashag admires and appreciates the courage and determination of the Tibetans in Tibet. We believe that they will continue to keep their courage and determination.

When nearly a hundred thousand Tibetans came into exile in 1959, they not only faced severe problems of climatic change, language barrier and difficulty in earning livelihood, but also became strangers without a friend. As everything was so strange that Tibetans recalled the old Tibetan saying; “except the sky and earth, everything else was unfamiliar.” However, soon after, many settlements, monastic and educational institutions were established in the host countries. Presently in India, Nepal and Bhutan, there are total of 49 Tibetan settlements, 223 monasteries including the great monastic institutions, nunneries, and tantric monasteries, 77 educational institutions in which modern education blended with the traditional values are taught, 54 community health centres and hospitals, 14 aged people home. All the facilities are in place for the Tibetans to fulfil their individual wishes and earn their livelihood. In addition, there are 11 Offices of Tibet around the world. The Tibetans living around the world have successfully formed associations in their respective countries and have been contributing towards the cause of Tibet. There are a large number of Tibetan Buddhist centres as a result of the widespread flourishing of Tibetan Buddhism in the world. These Buddhist centres have helped not only in providing immediate and long-term happiness and benefits to many people, but also in further gaining the goodwill and support of the international people for Tibet and the Tibetans. There is also an increasing number of the Tibet Support Groups.

Because of the goodwill and support of the international people and the Tibet Support Groups for the Tibetans and their culture, their democratic governments are obliged to support the Tibetan cause. As a result, the level of understanding of and support for the Tibetan cause has grown considerably in the international community. This could not, however, be accomplished with the hard work of Tibetan exiles alone. That this was accomplished by the grace of His Holiness the Dalai Lama indicates the depth and purity of spiritual bond between the Tibetan people and the lineage of the Dalai Lama institution. The kindness of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in appearing in human life at this crucial period in Tibet’s history and winning the hearts of the people throughout the world as well as his great work and his teachings on interdependence, non-violence, and universal responsibility given to the people of the world have received high recognition and numerous prizes and awards, including the Nobel Peace Prize, from individuals and organisations, governments, parliaments, universities, municipal councils, and NGOs in numerous countries. This has contributed to the happiness and benefit of human beings and has been beneficial to the Tibetan cause. The Kashag feels that this is the appropriate occasion to remember all this.

Transformation of the Tibetan polity into a full functioning democratic system and our just struggle into a non-violent one are outstanding achievements. Because of this, the People’s Republic of China is not able to ignore the issue of Tibet and the world is compelled to take an interest in and express support for the issue of Tibet.

As the framework of the Tibetan polity has now been transformed into a genuine and full functioning democratic system, it has created a firm basis for future popularly-elected political leaders to carry on the Tibetan struggle for generations to come until the issue of Tibet is resolved. The Central Tibetan Administration has enough resource to meet its administrative expenses through the voluntary tax payment from the exile Tibetans and the Corpus Fund.

Similarly, with the kindness of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, thousands of Tibetans, generation after generation, received the opportunity to undergo traditional and modern education. Hundreds among them have become professionals such as scholars, technicians, engineers, administrators, businessmen, doctors, and nurses. Efforts are being made, more than ever before, to keep producing more professionals in the future. The foundation of human resource is being built for continuing the struggle for the just cause of Tibet as well as undertaking the development activities for future Tibet.

His Holiness’ long association with eminent modern scientists through continued interaction has resulted in a series of dialogue and exchange of ideas between Buddhism and modern science, which has provided a basis for forging a strong bond between the two.

Viewing Tibetan religion and culture and the Tibetan language, which is the foundation of the above, as a threat, the leaders of the People’s Republic of China have been putting every effort to wipe these out completely. However, Tibetan religion and culture as well as language is thriving and spreading just not in the Tibetan community but in the world also. The above accomplishments that can be termed extraordinary were achieved only due to the grace of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. We cannot repay the kindness of His Holiness in our lifetime. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising, the Kashag would like to take this opportunity to express on behalf of all Tibetans in and outside Tibet our gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and beseech him to live long.

The Kashag pays its tribute and appreciation to those public servants who have, while overcoming all the challenges, rendered, and continue to render sincere service under the guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama during this crucial period.

The Kashag, while briefly commemorating these achievements, express our gratitude to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The Kashag would like to reiterate to the leadership of the People’s Republic of China that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is the supreme leader and the sole spokesperson of the six million Tibetans.

According to civilized behaviour, it is the public who choose their representatives instead of being forced to accept one. If the Tibetans in Tibet are given opportunity to speak up freely without fear of retribution, the Chinese authorities would certainly get a clear picture as to who is the leader who can represent the six million Tibetans. Although, Tibetans from all the parts of Tibet have made, despite having no freedom, this very clear since March last year, the Chinese leaders have been insensitive and foolishly stubborn to accept this. This cannot fool the public.

It is evident that the baseless accusation of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, severe harassment of the monks, nuns and the lay people with the imposition of repressive campaigns such as “patriotic re-education” and strike hard, celebration of the “emancipation” of millions of Tibetan people as “Serfs Emancipation Day,” a move that offends the collective sentiments of the Tibetans, on 28 March are all aimed at destabilising and creating chaos in Tibet by a few individuals with overriding self-interest. If the Tibetans, losing their patience, took to streets in protest, the Chinese leaders will have the excuse to use overwhelming force to crackdown.

In the early mid-20th century, there was no big gap between the peasants in Tibet and China. Moreover, the Tibetan peasants enjoyed more freedom and better living conditions. Telling the international community that the traditional Tibetan society was similar to serfdom and feudalism as that which prevailed in medieval China and Europe is a big lie. The Tibetans, who were largely engaged in handicrafts, agriculture and pastoralism as means of livelihood, had to pay some tax and were required to perform collective community work. Apart from that, no undue demand and pressure was on them. Tibetans enjoyed sustainable livelihood without being extremely rich or extremely poor. The Tibetan peasants belonged to three categories: state, individual and monastic estates. Each of the estate holders, in turn, looked after the interest of its peasants. Since the existence of Tibet until 1959, there had not been a time when the Tibetan peasants lost their freedom to live in fear and intimidation. Nor did they face starvation.

Most of the Tibetan exiles and those who have escaped into exile risking their lives during the past two decades are peasants, nomads, craftsmen and petty business people. Only few are the feudal lords. The participants of last year’s non-violent protests that took place across Tibet were peasants and nomads. There was almost no one who was the descendant of the feudal lords. If the Tibetan “serfs” are leading a happy life after their so-called emancipation, and if it is worth commemorating the “Serf Emancipation Day”, then why those who escape into exile and who participated in the massive protests were peasants and nomads?

We are concerned about the preservation and promotion of the valuable Tibetan religion and culture, which has the potential of bringing benefit and happiness to all sentient beings. We acknowledge the fact that not all aspects of our traditional Tibetan society are good. Far from restoring, there is no trace of the obsolete social and political system in the exile Tibetan community.

As a part of their mass propaganda, the Chinese government has been organising an exhibition of Tibetan prisons and the punishment meted out. However, the reality is that the size of Nangze Shar Prison in Lhasa, heavily used in the Chinese propaganda, could accommodate not more than a score of prisoners. In fact, the total number of prisoners in the whole of Tibet before 1959 hardly crossed hundred. After the so-called “liberation” and “emancipation” of the Tibetan “serfs”, prisons have come up in every part of Tibet. Looking at the size of prisons and the number of prisoners in Lhasa only, it is clear which period in Tibetan history is the most oppressed and darkest. In this 21st century of information revolution, the ideology that one-lie-told-hundred-times-will-become-truth can no longer be sustained.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama laid down, after much consideration and deliberation, a mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy in the early 1970s that takes into consideration the peaceful co-existence of the Tibetan and the Chinese people and the achievement of future aspirations of the Tibetan people within the framework of the People’s Republic of China. This policy was endorsed, after holding a series of extensive discussions, by the representatives of the general public, including the then Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile and the Kashag. In 1979, when the late Chinese paramount leader Deng Xiaoping proposed that “except independence, all other issues can be resolved through negotiations”, the Tibetan side was ready with a response.

Since then with the establishment of contacts, several rounds of talks were held and fact-finding delegations were despatched. However, these did not bear any concrete results, and the contact eventually broke off for over eight years. Since the restoration of contacts in 2002, we have engaged in eight formal rounds of talks and one informal round of talks, following the policy of one official channel and one agenda. These talks and contacts not only helped in clarifying the suspicions and broadening the understanding of our respective views and positions, but also provided an opportunity to clearly explain the essence of the Middle-Way policy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

After knowing the concerns and problems the Chinese government expressed on the Strasbourg Proposal, we addressed their concerns by giving a new document. This proposal as requested by the Chinese side during the 7th round of talks is called Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People, which is within the scope of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China. This document was given to the Chinese government on 31 October 2008 during the eighth round of talks. This Memorandum, which has now been made public by both sides, is the ultimate demand by the Tibetan side, after due consideration and accommodation of Chinese concerns. Not even a single part of the demands mentioned in the Memorandum can be compromised, and there is no need to do so either as the articles of the Memorandum were prepared exactly in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China and its Law on National Regional Autonomy. There is no single demand that is not a legal.

If the Chinese side does not abide by its Constitution and the laws, we can do nothing. However, if the current government of the People’s Republic of China respects its Constitution and other related laws and regulations, it must accept the Memorandum we proposed. Calling the Memorandum a demand for “half-independence” and “disguised independence” or “covert independence”, without providing legal and rational explanations, is not a statement made by a right-thinking people.

Because of the political upheaval that shook Tibet last year and we being not able to achieve any concrete result in the Sino-Tibetan dialogue process, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in order to again solicit public opinion in a democratic way as to what future course of action we should take, convened a Special Meeting of the Tibetans in Diaspora in last November under the provision of Article 59 of the Charter of the exile Tibetans. About 600 representatives of the Tibetans in exile participated in the meeting and held extensive discussions for six days. In addition to collecting written suggestions from the exile Tibetans, efforts were made to collect suggestions, as far as possible, from the Tibetans in Tibet as well.

The outcome of this process was that over 80 percent of the suggestions advocated the continuation of the Middle-Way policy. Similarly, a majority of the Tibet Support Groups supported the Middle-Way Approach. As we have received public mandate, we will now pursue this policy with great confidence. We are, therefore, ready to continue our contact and talk on the Memorandum we proposed to the Chinese government. We will provide clarification on the Memorandum whenever required by the Chinese side, and continue our efforts towards achieving a meaningful national regional autonomy for all the Tibetans. The continuation of contact solely depends upon the action of the People’s Republic of China, and they should assume full responsibility for it.

We will further carry out our activities of keeping direct contacts with the Chinese people in order for them to clearly understand the issue of Tibet and not to be misled by the massive propaganda of the Chinese government.

Looking at the suffering that the Tibetan people undergo as a result of the repressive measures implemented by the authorities of the People’s Republic of China during the last few months, the Kashag, concerned about the likely occurrence of fresh protests, issued statements of appeal on 29 January and 21 February 2009 to the international community, the Chinese authorites, and the Tibetans in and outside Tibet to maintain peace and stability. His Holiness the Dalai Lama also reiterated the same in his message to the Tibetans in and outside Tibet during this Tibetan New Year. While appealing to all Tibetans to maintain peace and stability with utmost tolerance, the Kashag urge the Chinese authorities to immediately stop the harassment and torture of the Tibetan people. The Kashag request the peace-loving people of the world to pay attention to the situation in Tibet and persuade the Chinese authorities to exercise restraint.

As per the guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama that “we should hope for the best and prepare for the worst”, all the Tibetan people in Tibet and in exile should, while taking lessons from our experience of past 50 years, come up with strategies and prepare ourselves with firm commitment in treading the path of non-violence until the truth of the issue of Tibet is resolved.

While taking this opportunity, the Kashag would like to express its heartfelt appreciation to the governments and the peoples across the world, particularly India, for supporting the Tibetans. Finally, the Kashag prays for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the spontaneous fulfilment of all his wishes. The Kashag also prays that the day may dawn soon when the Tibetans in and outside Tibet will celebrate their re-unification.

The Kashag
10 March 2009

N.B. Translated from the Tibetan original. If there are discrepancies between the Tibetan and English, please consider the Tibetan version as final and authoritative.

http://www.tibet.net/en/index.php?id=738&articletype=flash&rmenuid=morenews

The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day
(Embargoed until 10th March, 9am)

Today is the fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan people's peaceful uprising against Communist China's repression in Tibet. Since last March, widespread peaceful protests have erupted across the whole of Tibet. Most of the participants were youths born and brought up after 1959, who have not seen or experienced a free Tibet. However, the fact that they were driven by a firm conviction to serve the cause of Tibet that has continued from generation to generation is indeed a matter of pride. It will serve as a source of inspiration for those in the international community who take keen interest in the issue of Tibet. We pay tribute and offer our prayers for all those who died, were tortured and suffered tremendous hardships including during the crisis last year, for the cause of Tibet since our struggle began.

Around 1949, Communist forces began to enter north-eastern and eastern Tibet (Kham and Amdo) and by 1950, more than 5000 Tibetan soldiers had been killed. Taking the prevailing situation into account, the Chinese government chose a policy of peaceful liberation, which in 1951 led to the signing of the 17-Point Agreement and its annexure. Since then, Tibet has come under the control of the People's Republic of China. However, the Agreement clearly mentions that Tibet's distinct religion, culture and traditional values would be protected.

Between 1954 and 1955, I met with most of the senior Chinese leaders in the Communist Party, government and military, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, in Beijing. When we discussed ways of achieving the social and economic development of Tibet, as well as maintaining Tibet's religious and cultural heritage, Mao Zedong and all the other leaders agreed to establish a preparatory committee to pave the way for the implementation of the autonomous region, as stipulated in the Agreement, rather than establishing a military administrative commission. From about 1956 onwards, however, the situation took a turn for the worse with the imposition of ultra-leftist policies in Tibet. Consequently, the assurances given by higher authorities were not implemented on the ground. The forceful implementation of the so-called “democratic reform” in the Kham and Amdo regions of Tibet, which did not accord with prevailing conditions, resulted in immense chaos and destruction. In Central Tibet, Chinese officials forcibly and deliberately violated the terms of the 17-Point Agreement, and their heavy-handed tactics increased day by day. These desperate developments left the Tibetan people with no alternative but to launch a peaceful uprising on 10 March 1959. The Chinese authorities responded with unprecedented force that led to the killing, arrests and imprisonment of tens of thousands of Tibetans in the following months. Consequently, accompanied by a small party of Tibetan government officials including some Kalons (Cabinet Ministers), I escaped into exile in India. Thereafter, nearly a hundred thousand Tibetans fled into exile in India, Nepal and Bhutan. During the escape and the months that followed they faced unimaginable hardship, which is still fresh in Tibetan memory.

Having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist government carried out a series of repressive and violent campaigns that have included “democratic reform”, class struggle, communes, the Cultural Revolution, the imposition of martial law, and more recently the patriotic re-education and the strike hard campaigns. These thrust Tibetans into such depths of suffering and hardship that they literally experienced hell on earth. The immediate result of these campaigns was the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Tibetans. The lineage of the Buddha Dharma was severed. Thousands of religious and cultural centres such as monasteries, nunneries and temples were razed to the ground. Historical buildings and monuments were demolished. Natural resources have been indiscriminately exploited. Today, Tibet's fragile environment has been polluted, massive deforestation has been carried out and wildlife, such as wild yaks and Tibetan antelopes, are being driven to extinction.

These 50 years have brought untold suffering and destruction to the land and people of Tibet. Even today, Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear and the Chinese authorities remain constantly suspicious of them. Today, the religion, culture, language and identity, which successive generations of Tibetans have considered more precious than their lives, are nearing extinction; in short, the Tibetan people are regarded like criminals deserving to be put to death. The Tibetan people's tragedy was set out in the late Panchen Rinpoche's 70,000-character petition to the Chinese government in 1962. He raised it again in his speech in Shigatse in 1989 shortly before he died, when he said that what we have lost under Chinese communist rule far outweighs what we have gained. Many concerned and unbiased Tibetans have also spoken out about the hardships of the Tibetan people. Even Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party Secretary, when he arrived in Lhasa in 1980, clearly acknowledged these mistakes and asked the Tibetans for their forgiveness. Many infrastructural developments such as roads, airports, railways, and so forth, which seem to have brought progress to Tibetan areas, were really done with the political objective of sinicising Tibet at the huge cost of devastating the Tibetan environment and way of life.

As for the Tibetan refugees, although we initially faced many problems such as great differences of climate and language and difficulties earning our livelihood, we have been successful in re-establishing ourselves in exile. Due to the great generosity of our host countries, especially India, Tibetans have been able to live in freedom without fear. We have been able to earn a livelihood and uphold our religion and culture. We have been able to provide our children with both traditional and modern education, as well as engaging in efforts to resolve the Tibet issue. There have been other positive results too. Greater understanding of Tibetan Buddhism with its emphasis on compassion has made a positive contribution in many parts of the world.

Immediately after our arrival in exile I began to work on the promotion of democracy in the Tibetan community with the establishment of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile in 1960. Since then, we have taken gradual steps on the path to democracy and today our exile administration has evolved into a fully functioning democracy with a written charter of its own and a legislative body. This is indeed something we can all be proud of.

Since 2001, we have instituted a system by which the political leadership of Tibetan exiles is directly elected through procedures similar to those in other democratic systems. Currently, the directly-elected Kalon Tripa's (Cabinet Chairperson) second term is underway. Consequently, my daily administrative responsibilities have reduced and today I am in a state of semi-retirement. However, to work for the just cause of Tibet is the responsibility of every Tibetan, and as long as I live I will uphold this responsibility.

As a human being, my main commitment is in the promotion of human values; this is what I consider the key factor for a happy life at the individual, family and community level. As a religious practitioner, my second commitment is the promotion of inter-religious harmony. My third commitment is of course the issue of Tibet. This is firstly due to my being a Tibetan with the name of 'Dalai Lama'; more importantly, it is due to the trust that Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet have placed in me. These are the three important commitments, which I always keep in mind.

In addition to looking after the well being of the exiled Tibetan community, which they have done quite well, the principal task of the Central Tibetan Administration has been to work towards the resolution of the issue of Tibet. Having laid out the mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy in 1974, we were ready to respond to Deng Xiaoping when he proposed talks in 1979. Many talks were conducted and fact-finding delegations dispatched. These however, did not bear any concrete results and formal contacts eventually broke off in 1993.

Subsequently, in 1996-97, we conducted an opinion poll of the Tibetans in exile, and collected suggestions from Tibet wherever possible, on a proposed referendum, by which the Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the outcome of the poll and the suggestions from Tibet, we decided to continue the policy of the Middle-Way.

Since the re-establishment of contacts in 2002, we have followed a policy of one official channel and one agenda and have held eight rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities. As a consequence, we presented a Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People, explaining how the conditions for national regional autonomy as set forth in the Chinese constitution would be met by the full implementation of its laws on autonomy. The Chinese insistence that we accept Tibet as having been a part of China since ancient times is not only inaccurate, but also unreasonable. We cannot change the past no matter whether it was good or bad. Distorting history for political purposes is incorrect.

We need to look to the future and work for our mutual benefit. We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable Tibetans to live within the framework of the People's Republic of China. Fulfilling the aspirations of the Tibetan people will enable China to achieve stability and unity. From our side, we are not making any demands based on history. Looking back at history, there is no country in the world today, including China, whose territorial status has remained forever unchanged, nor can it remain unchanged.

Our aspiration that all Tibetans be brought under a single autonomous administration is in keeping with the very objective of the principle of national regional autonomy. It also fulfils the fundamental requirements of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. The Chinese constitution and other related laws and regulations do not pose any obstacle to this and many leaders of the Chinese Central Government have accepted this genuine aspiration. When signing the 17-Point Agreement, Premier Zhou Enlai acknowledged it as a reasonable demand. In 1956, when establishing the Preparatory Committee for the “Tibet Autonomous Region”, Vice-Premier Chen Yi pointing at a map said, if Lhasa could be made the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region, which included the Tibetan areas within the other provinces, it would contribute to the development of Tibet and friendship between the Tibetan and Chinese nationalities, a view shared by the Panchen Rinpoche and many Tibetan cadres and scholars. If Chinese leaders had any objections to our proposals, they could have provided reasons for them and suggested alternatives for our consideration, but they did not. I am disappointed that the Chinese authorities have not responded appropriately to our sincere efforts to implement the principle of meaningful national regional autonomy for all Tibetans, as set forth in the constitution of the People's Republic of China.

Quite apart from the current process of Sino-Tibetan dialogue having achieved no concrete results, there has been a brutal crackdown on the Tibetan protests that have shaken the whole of Tibet since March last year. Therefore, in order to solicit public opinion as to what future course of action we should take, the Special Meeting of Tibetan exiles was convened in November 2008. Efforts were made to collect suggestions, as far as possible, from the Tibetans in Tibet as well. The outcome of this whole process was that a majority of Tibetans strongly supported the continuation of the Middle-Way policy. Therefore, we are now pursuing this policy with greater confidence and will continue our efforts towards achieving a meaningful national regional autonomy for all Tibetans.

From time immemorial, the Tibetan and Chinese peoples have been neighbours. In future too, we will have to live together. Therefore, it is most important for us to co-exist in friendship with each other.

Since the occupation of Tibet, the Communist China has been publishing distorted propaganda about Tibet and its people. Consequently, there are, among the Chinese populace, very few people who have a true understanding about Tibet. It is, in fact, very difficult for them to find the truth. There are also ultra-leftist Chinese leaders who have, since last March, been undertaking a huge propaganda effort with the intention of setting the Tibetan and Chinese peoples apart and creating animosity between them. Sadly, as a result, a negative impression of Tibetans has arisen in the minds of some of our Chinese brothers and sisters. Therefore, as I have repeatedly appealed before, I would like once again to urge our Chinese brothers and sisters not to be swayed by such propaganda, but, instead, to try to discover the facts about Tibet impartially, so as to prevent divisions among us. Tibetans should also continue to work for friendship with the Chinese people.

Looking back on 50 years in exile, we have witnessed many ups and downs. However, the fact that the Tibet issue is alive and the international community is taking growing interest in it is indeed an achievement. Seen from this perspective, I have no doubt that the justice of Tibet's cause will prevail, if we continue to tread the path of truth and non-violence.

As we commemorate 50 years in exile, it is most important that we express our deep gratitude to the governments and peoples of the various host countries in which we live. Not only do we abide by the laws of these host countries, but we also conduct ourselves in a way that we become an asset to these countries. Similarly, in our efforts to realise the cause of Tibet and uphold its religion and culture, we should craft our future vision and strategy by learning from our past experience.

I always say that we should hope for the best, and prepare for the worst. Whether we look at it from the global perspective or in the context of events in China, there are reasons for us to hope for a quick resolution of the issue of Tibet. However, we must also prepare ourselves well in case the Tibetan struggle goes on for a long time. For this, we must focus primarily on the education of our children and the nurturing of professionals in various fields. We should also raise awareness about the environment and health, and improve understanding and practice of non-violent methods among the general Tibetan population.

I would like to take this opportunity to express my heartfelt gratitude to the leaders and people of India, as well as its Central and State Governments, who despite whatever problems and obstacles they face, have provided invaluable support and assistance over the past 50 years to Tibetans in exile. Their kindness and generosity are immeasurable. I would also like to express my gratitude to the leaders, governments and people of the international community, as well as the various Tibet Support Groups, for their unstinting support.

May all sentient beings live in peace and happiness.


The Dalai Lama
10 March 2009

http://www.tibet.net/en/index.php?id=737&articletype=flash&rmenuid=morenews

只要記得微笑，就不會害怕了。

dreams

有些夢想
好遠好遠好遠
好像就算花了一萬年都不知道走不走的到
但是總是要繼續走著
拼命的告訴自己
走了一步
就可能又接近了一大步
一直這樣子默默走著
總會有一天
可能抬頭就發現目標在眼前了

到那一天
我想我會哭吧 哈哈